Words of William £. Chandler 

Address of June 8, 1915, on the 150th 
Anniversary of the Chartering of the 
am TOWN OF CONCORD dd 



mstorieg of Concord— Three Incidents in Con- 
cord History— John P, Hale and Franklin 
Fierce. 

The Present War — Its Horrors — Edna Dean 
Proctor's Poem— Peace Letters— The United 
States Not a Colonizing Nation— Make Haste 
Slowly — Opinions of Secretaries Long and 
Herbert— The Proper Size of Our Navy. 



RUMFORD PRESS, CONCORD, N. H. 
A copy of this pamphlet will be mailed to any person sending a postal card request therefor. 



183 5 December 28th 1915 



Words of William E. Chandler 

Address of June 8, 1 9 1 5, on the 1 50th 
Anniversary of the Chartering of the 
TOWN OF CONCORD 



PAGE 

Mr. Chandler's Birthplace 1 

The Two Histories of Concord: 

By Rev. Nathaniel Bouton in 1855 2 

By Leading Citizens of Concord in 1903 2-3 

The True Principles of the Progress, Prosperity and Greatness of Commu- 
nities Like Concord 4 

Three Incidents in the Growth of Concord: 

(1) The John P. Hale and Franklin Pierce Debate in the Old North 

Church on June 5, 1845 4 

(2) The Refusal by the Citizens of Concord in October, 1856, to give 

a Non-partisan Pubhc Reception to President Pierce . 4 

(3) The Unveiling in the State House Yard in Concord of a Statue 
of Franklin Pierce, erected by the State of New Hampshire, on 
November 25, 1914 5 

Sketch of the Lives of John P. Hale and Franklm Pierce 5-7 



The Present War of the Christian Nations. "I am afraid" 7 

The Horrors of the War in Europe — Edna Dean Proctor's Poem of Abdul- 
lah of Cairo. "By the Prophet, if these be Christians where 
shall we find the heathen? " 8, 16 

APPENDIX 

Letter of Februaiy 23, 1915, to William W. Thayer, Secretary of the New 

Hampshu-e Peace Society 9 

Keep Calm, Moderation of Speech, The United States Not a Colonizing 

Nation 10 

Letters to Senator George C. Perkins, January 15, and February 1 and 8. 

" Reasons for Making l^a^te Slowly. " 11 

Opinions of Naval Secretaries V 

John D. Long and Hilary A. Herbert 12 

The Proper Size of Our Navj-. Mr. Chandler's Speech in the Senate on 

May 13, 1892 14, 15 

December 28, 1915. 



ADDRESS OF WILLIAM E. CHANDLER. 

June 8, 1915. 



Ladies and Gentlemen, Citizens of Concord, Felloio Legislators: 
My first appearance in this my native home was on the 
28th day of December in the year 1835, within the dwelling 
house which was directly north of the old Call's Block (His- 
tory, Vol. 1, page 599) and was known as the Call house, then 
standing on what is now the corner of State and Park streets, 
whereon is the marvelously beautiful edifice of the New 
Hampshire Historical Society given by Edward Tuck from 
his home in Paris, France, for the use and blessing of his 
native state. South nearby (History, Vol. 2, page 745) is 
the pubKc school building, in the various grades of which I 
was educated; north adjoining which is the present church 
edifice of the Second Congregational Society, Unitarian, of 
which I have all my life been a member; and opposite the 
Call's Block lot whereon the United States government 
building now stands, behold the New Hampshire State 
House, within which have been conferred upon me the highest 
pubHc honors of my life. 

For seventy-nine and one-half years I have continued a 
legal resident in Concord, voting at its elections after 1856 
and responding earnestly to every call of duty from its 
people. 

The present elaborate celebration of the one hundred and 
fiftieth anniversary of the chartering of the town of Concord, 
with the making of a record of the ceremonies, is for the 



mutual rejoicing and complaisant contemplation of events 
already well related and is not necessary as a history except 
of the last ten years. No such perfect record of any com- 
munity has ever been made as the two existing histories of 
Concord— those of 1855 and 1903. 

The first of these histories is by Rev. Nathaniel Bouton, 
that of Concord "from its first grant in 1725 down to 1855." 

Any historical narrative of any community made by only 
one writer does not exist, more accurate, complete and 
attractive than this by Doctor Bouton, and it is a pleasure 
for me to praise and honor a minister and an author whom 
I respected and loved, and members of whose family are still 
dear to my heart. 

The next history of Concord is that of 1903, "from the 
original grant in 1725 to the opening of the twentieth cen- 
tury." It is the joint production of citizens of Concord, 
originated in 1896 by the City Government, with Henry 
Robinson as mayor, and was carried forward to completion by 
him and Mayors Albert B. Wood worth, Nathaniel E. Martin, 
Harry G. Sargent and Charles R. Corning, with a City Com- 
mission specially incorporated by the Legislature on March 
24, 1903. The record announces James O. Lyford as the 
editor; Amos Hadley was the author of the general narrative, 
in sixteen chapters; Joseph B. Walker described the physical 
features and development, and contributions of important 
chapters and articles were made by Henry McFarland, 
Jacob H. Gallinger, Charles R. Corning, James O. Lyford, 
John C. Ordway, Frank W. Rollins, Howard F. Hill, Thomas 
C. Bethune, Frank Battles and WiHiam W. Flint. The illus- 
trations were in charge of Henry B. Colby and prepared 
under the supervision of Benjamin A. Kimball, while the 
reading of the revised proof was the contribution of Edward 



r!J»^ 



N. Pearson and the indispensable index was made by the 
accompHshed Miss Harriet L. Huntress. 

Isaac A. Hill, John M. Mitchell, Benjamin A. Kimball, 
James L. Norris, Lewis Downing, Jr., John M. Hill, John 
Kimball, Leland A. Smith, George A. Cummings, Edson J. 
Hill, Franklin D. Ayer, E. J. Aiken, Woodbridge Odhn, 
Lyman D. Stevens, John Whitaker, Daniel B. Donovan, 
Milon D. Cummings, Cyrus R. Robinson and Giles Wheeler 
were important promoters of the work, some of them as 
members of the Cit}^ Commission. 

An account of the construction of the history was made 
by that literary ornament of Concord, Miss Frances M. 
Abbott, which was published in the Granite Monthly of 
January, 1904, and is a model of completeness and concise- 
ness. She also contributed to the history a chapter on 
Domestic Customs and Social Life. I venture to give adjec- 
tives of praise only to the two female workers in the construc- 
tion of the incomparable "History of Concord," which is 
such an accurate and complete record of the city's fame. 

It was not my lot to be able to make any contribution to 
this wonderful history of my beloved city, but on Old Home 
Day, August 24, 1904, at Contoocook River Park, it was my 
privilege to deliver an address containing a careful analysis 
and enthusiastic eulogy of the History, and to express my 
unbounded gratitude to its authors, all of whom, except the 
deserving author of the general narrative, gave their minds 
and hearts to the work without compensation. A copy of 
my address was furnished with every copy of the large two- 
volume History, which tribute of mine I consider it a privi- 
lege to have been allowed thus to make something like a part 
of those remarkable volumes. 



On this occasion it is not my purpose and would not be my 
privilege to make a long discourse; so that beyond a state- 
ment of my constant affection and fidelity to my birthplace 
and the only legal home I ever had, I shall venture to present 
but one idea. Senator Proctor once invited me to a celebra- 
tion of the Loyal Legion, telling me that there would be 
many speakers and that one idea would be enough if it was 
a good one. He then commanded me to speak to the toast, 
"The Soldiers and Sailors of the L^nited States from 1776 
to 1896," and gave me ten minutes in which to do it! 

My one present idea is that the progress, prosperity and 
greatness of communities like Concord, and of nations 
like ours, result from the brave assertion of all individual 
differences of opinion with full and free debate thereon, 
and, as soon as human nature will permit, a decision and 
final ending of controversy thereon, the expulsion of anger, 
and animosity, and the systematic cultivation in the future 
of continuous co-operation guided by 7nutual and true 
affection. 

Without such a national principle, popular harmony 
will always be precarious and unity of national growth 
uncertain, while with its free exercise national greatness 
is sure. 

This being my idea, I illustrate it today only by three 
incidents in the history of Concord. 

I. 

The John P. Hale and Franklin Pierce debate in the Old 
North Church in Concord on June 5, 1845. 

n. 

The refusal by the citizens of Concord in October, 1856, 
to give a non-partisan public reception to President Pierce. 



III. 

The unveiling in the State House yard at Concord, front- 
ing Main Street, of a statue of Frankhn Pierce, erected by 
the commonwealth of New Hampshire on November 25, 
1914. 

John P. Hale of Rochester and Franklin Pierce of Hills- 
borough were Bowdoin College classmates and political 
associates and personal friends. When the question of the 
annexation of Texas arose, Mr. Hale, then a member of Con- 
gress, wrote his famous Texas letter, dated January 7, 
1845, opposing the annexation of any more slave territory; 
and on February 12 the Democratic State Convention, under 
the lead of Franklin Pierce, reassembled and removed Hale's 
name from the ticket. Next, on June 5, at Concord, came 
the famous, impassioned meeting between the two brilliant 
orators, the result of which was the defeat of the Democratic 
party in the state at the election of 1846 and the election of 
Mr. Hale as Speaker of the House and United States Sena- 
tor; with Anthony Colby as Governor. 

Then followed the long and bitter anti-slavery and seces- 
sion combat; the annexation of Texas; the war with Mexico; 
the compromises in 1850; the election in 1852, with Hale a 
Free Soil candidate against him, of Franklin Pierce as Presi- 
dent; the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854; and 
the struggle in 1856 to elect Fremont over Buchanan as 
President. 

During this canvass. President Pierce came to Concord, 
and an effort was made to give him a non-partisan reception. 
It was opposed, and by practically an unresisted vote, in an 
immense meeting in Depot Hall, voted down. The men who 
bravely did this had received no visit to his home from their 
President between March 4, 1853, and Octobei, 1856, and. 



much admired and beloved as he had been by.qll the people 
of Concord, they then regaided him as more than any other 
person responsible for the bloody struggle in bleeding Kansas. 
The Democrats, in their indignation, gave the President an 
immense, partisan demonstration, but the Republicans had 
done their duty. Concord, in November, gave 452 plu- 
rality for Fremont, and New Hampshire gave him more than 
5,000; while in 1852 General Pierce had received 229 ma- 
jority in Concord and nearly 7,000 in the state. 

But fifty-eight years later Concord saw another sight. 
Time had worked the wonders of the nineteenth century in 
the United States. The growth of slavery had been checked. 
Kansas had been made free. Abraham Lincoln had been 
made President. Secession had been proclaimed and a war 
of rebellion declared by the South, but victory in that war 
had been achieved by the armies of the Union under the 
leadership of Grant and Sherman and Sheridan and the other 
heroes of the North. As a result of the war, slavery had been 
abolished and citizenship and suffrage conferred upon the 
colored race. Even the terrible calamities of the murders of 
Lincoln and Garfield and McKinley were seen to have pro- 
ceeded from no considerable number of assassins. 

The United States in the interest of humanity had liberated 
from the harsh rule of Spain the island of Cuba and the 
islands of the Philippines. 

Prosperity unbounded had come to the whole country. 
The national honor had been maintained to every national 
creditor. 

In New Hampshire the statue of Daniel Webster had been 
placed in the State House yard at Concord with that of 
General John Stark and also statues of both of them in the 
National Gallery in the Capitol at Washington; a statue of 



John P. Hale had been also erected in the State House 
grounds, and the time had come for a like recognition of the 
true meiits of President Franklin Pierce. 

This appropriate event took place on November 25, 1914. 
All reluctance had disappeared. The Legislature and Gov- 
ernor had directed the erection of the statue. All real ob- 
jection had vanished, and on that day the statue of President 
Pierce was unveiled and given to the people with fitting 
ceremonies duly made of record. Without distinction of 
party, the political leaders, with discriminating praise, with 
just judgment and with sincere affection at last placed 
President Pierce upon the pinnacle of fame to which he had 
been entitled. 

The Present War of the Christian Nations. 
I cannot close without uttering a sad and gloomy thought. 
The growth and glory of our city, our state and our nation 
has been thus accomplished and illustrated, only to be at 
this moment put in peril by the distress and horror arising 
from the world-wide European War of 1914-1915; so that 
every public occasion is oppressed and subdued by a paralyz- 
ing sadness. 

This whole globe is but a speck in the unbounded universe 
and it is now full of the tortures of murderous warfare. I 
expressed to a thoughtful friend the despairing idea that the 
only real ending of such woes would be that the world itself 
should come to an end. Two days later I saw attributed to 
Cardinal Gibbons the expression of the thought that the end 
of the world might be at hand. How can this be otherwise? 
Will God preserve our material earth to continue to be the 
horrible human habitation it now appears? 
I am afraid! 



It seems to me that the greatest duty and labor to which 
the people of the world can commit themselves is the estab- 
lishment of international treaties for the prevention of the 
devastations and horrors of war. 

''A task for the thirty -five neutral nations" is once again 
stated by the Neiv York Independent of May 24 to be under- 
taken by their proposed conference at Washington "to sit 
in continuous session until the war is over," and to go on to 
provide guarantees against war *' until after diplomacy, 
mediation, commissions of inquiry, arbitration and economic 
pressure have failed." The Independent says: "Let Presi- 
dent Wilson call immediately the thirty-five neutral nations 
together." 

From Edna Dean Proctor. 

From the same number of the Independent listen to our 
noble and far-seeing New Hampshire poetess, Edna Dean 
Proctor, speaking through Abdallah of Cairo. 

By the Prophet, if these be Christians, where shall we find 

the heathen? 
If this is their Gospel of Love, where shall we look for Hate? 
With the lilies of Peace their Jesus in temple and shrine is 

wreathen. 
But they raven like wolves in the fold when the moon is late. 

And for whaV^ For the market, for greed of gold and 

dominion; 
To rule to the uttermost sea and the shores no foot has trod, 
Their impious fleets cleave the sky, but never a pinion 
Bears the beleagured spirit to regions above the clod. 

Hark to the roar of battle, the wail for the dead and the dying ! 
Prating of Light, these Christians have shrouded the earth 

in gloom. 
Each unto God or Goddess for conquest and gain is crying — 
I will repeat the Fatiha and leave them to their doom. 

[See on pages 16 and 17 the whole of the Abdallah poem, with an explanatory 
note by Miss Proctor.] 



APPENDIX. 

Mr. Chandler, on account of impaired health, is not likely 
long to continue to write much for publication. It is, there- 
fore, appropriate that there should be annexed to his address 
at Concord of June 8 extracts from two recent publications 

of his. 

I. 

A letter of February 23, 1915, to William W. Thayer, 
Esq., Secretary of the New Hampshire Peace Society: 

At this exciting period it is important that every American 
citizen should keep calm on the subject of War, and that 
advocates of Peace should continue to urge their views in 
reasonable words intended to be not at all offensive to any 
of the warring nations. 

Our relations with Mexico are critical. 

***** 
Of equal if not greater importance is moderation of speech 
in connection with the war in Europe. Preaching peace by 
us to the warring nations will have no effect at this time. 
The most terrifying event in the world's history has been the 
beginning of that war and its extent and continuance. But 
it is not by any means certain that it should end prematurely; 
that is, without a reasonable certainty that it will not soon 
begin again. So pronunciamentos from the United States 
should be moderately expressed and our real influence 
reserved until the time comes when our nation can propi- 
tiously offer aid in friendly and judicious mediation and 
conciliation. 



10 

Neither is tliis an appropriate time to agitate for vast 
immediate expenditures for the army and navy of the United 
States. Dehberation and care in new constructions of forts, 
ships, guns, explosives, submarines and aeroplanes is ad- 
visable because we have plenty of time, and should learn 
what the events of this war will teach us before we over- 
burden our people with appalling taxation for war prepara- 
tion, on the idea that we may at any moment become in- 
volved in war with one of the great nations. The suggestion 
is preposterous. 

Of course we should keep on with our ordinary military 
preparations. 

***** 

The question how large should be our continuous and 
complete military and naval preparation ought not to be 
settled either in a time of apathy or in a time of excitement. 
Because we are not a colonizing nation we are not going to 
prepare for war as a colonizing nation does. We ought to 
have a close alliance with our parent nation, speaking the 
same language. But England has 350,000,000 of colonists 
while we have none except in the Philippines and those we 
intend to part with in due time, I hope, aided in the plan by 
a treaty with England and Japan. We shall never have a 
war with a European nation unless we have another Euro- 
pean nation and probal)ly more than one as an ally. 

We are sure to have an alliance with Argentine, Brazil 
and Chile and possibly with substantially all the nations of 
the Western Hemisphere. What folly to talk of our main- 
taining a navy as big as England's and an army as big as 
Germany's. 

***** 

Peace, prosperity and an overflowing treasury are to be 



11 

our fortune, and peace will be preserved quite as well by 
prosperity and gold in the treasury as by huge armaments 
whose expense may crush out the vitality of the common 
people of our country. 

II. 

Extracts from letters of Mr. Chandler to United States 
Senator George C. Perkins of the Committee on Naval Af- 
fairs, dated January 15, February 1 and February 8, 1915, 
with extracts from letters to Secretary Daniels from ex- 
Secretaries John D. Long (of December 24, 1914) and Hilary 
A. Herbert (of January 30, 1915). 

Washington, D. C, Jan. 15, 1915. 
Hon. George C. Perkins, 

United States Senator. 
My Dear Senator Perkins: I venture to advise you to refrain 
(1) from bringing politics into naval legislation or adminis- 
tration, (2) from making haste in naval construction or 
expenditure, (3) from weakening civilian control in the navy 
department, and (4) I urge you not to forget the duty that is 
due from congress to the taxpayers of the United States. 
***** 

Reasons for Making Haste Slowly. 
There is a potent reason for not hurrying present naval 
construction. Until the present war in Europe is over we 
cannot be at all certain in what direction large expenditures 
ought to be made. It is not to be expected that whatever 
may be revealed big battleships will be no longer built. But 
such is the terrifically destructive power of Zeppelins and 
aeroplanes and of submarines that no more large war ships 
should be built until every possible device is developed for the 



12 

protection of the ships. One, two or three more protective 
decks may be required, one, two or three more ship's bottoms 
may be advisable. Who can now tell? It is the height of 
folly not to study questions like these, before making vast 
additional expenditures. We can spend money enough in 
various ways — upon submarines and flying machines, upon 
guns and explosives — to use up all the appropriations that 
can wisely be made within the next few years. If is not my 
purpose in this brief letter to discuss the question whether 
our country is in any danger of immediate war with any 
powerful nation. The blindest man can see our absolute 
safety till long after the present European war ends. During 
this period we should study the art of modern war with dili- 
gence and wisdom and make sure that when we next spend 
vast sums for dreadnoughts we are as certain what we ought 
to do as investigation into a dreadful war all around the globe 
can make us. . . . Already we are told that five of 
our battleships — the famous Oregon, and the Indiana, Mas- 
sachusetts, Kentucky and Kearsarge, are obsolete and should 
be replaced by new ships! 

From Hon. John D. Long: 

I am very much struck with the great development of the 
navy since my day. I think that you are right on the one 
hand, maintaining the present reasonable program of naval 
construction, adapted to our ordinary preservation of the 
peace, but not, on the other hand, getting panic-stricken 
over the present European condition as if we were in danger 
of attack by the great nations which will come out of that 
conflict bankrupt and exhausted and recognizing the vital 
need of a long peace for their recuperation. 



From Hon. Hilary A. Herbert: 

The old maxim, Festina lente, never was more applicable 
than it is to our naval program now. 

***** 

Now is precisely the time when we should keep cool and 
study carefully the lessons that are being taught by the war 

in Europe. 

***** 

We have already before us several lessons from this war 
about the efficiency of submarines, of contact mines, of 
fast fighting ships, of swift commerce destroyers, or long- 
range guns; and we have learned also something about aero- 
planes and Zeppelins, but we do not know yet the relative 
values of all these or what are to be the decisive factors in 
the great naval war that is now on, and that, before it is 
ended, will try out to the utmost every implement of destruc- 
tion that human ingenuity has been able to devise. 
***** 

Twelve months hence we shall know better how much we 
should expend for naval construction and what to spend it 

for. 

***** 

If Germany should win, even though her success should be 
a vast menace to America, no one can for a moment believe 
that, exhausted as the winner in this great war mil be when 
it is over, our country would be in danger of immediate 
attack from that quarter. 



14 

Extract from Mr. Chandler's speech in the Senate on May 
13, 1892, on the pending Naval Appropriation Bill. 

The Proper Size of Our Navy. 

Mr. President: I wish to say before concluding what I 
think should be the navy of America. I do not think that 
we should undertake to build a navy equal to that of the 
great European powers. I do not think that any Senator, or 
any public man in America, or any naval officer advocates 
anj^ such enlargement of the navy. I have stated in the 
report, to which I have alluded, how far I think we should go 
in the direction of naval construction. 

Coast defense should be first amply provided for. All the 
arts of naval warfare should be kept alive among our people. 
Industries necessary to the construction of any kind of war 
vessels or guns should be domesticated. We should restore 
the flag of our merchant ships and revive the carrying trade 
in American vessels in all the waters and in all the commer- 
cial ports of the globe, and protect our mercantile marine 
when thus reestablished. We should construct and main- 
tain a navy superior to that of any nation of the Western 
Hemisphere, and to that of the nation owning the island of 
Cuba; and there we can stop, it is to be hoped, for many 
years. 

Mr. President, it is hardly to be supposed that the United 
States will ever become engaged in a war with any one of the 
great European powers without having, at the same time, 
an alliance of some sort with some one of the other great 
European powers. We certainly cannot undertake to build 
a navy that shall be superior to that of all the great European 
naval powers. If all those powers should combine against 
us, of course thev would be irresistible, and it would be im- 



15 

possible for us to undertake to meet them upon the ocean 
with the vessels of our navy. 

But such a combination is impossible. Whenever we find 
ourselves approaching a conflict upon the ocean or upon the 
land with England or any other of the great powers of Europe 
we shall find ourselves approaching an alliance with some 
one or more of the other great European powers, and, when 
the shock of battle comes, we shall have to oppose against 
our European enemy not only our own navy but also the 
navy of some European ally. It is not conceivable that we 
shall have a conflict with any of the European powers under 
any other conditions. Therefore it is that I have reached 
my conclusion that when the navy of this country is the 
equal of that of any power upon the Western Hemisphere, is 
equal or superior to the navy of the nation which owns the 
island of Cuba, we can afford to rest. We are sure to have 
a navy with fifty-six modern ships completed and armed 
which will not be inordinately expensive, either in the cost 
of construction or in the cost of maintenance, and which 
can be depended upon, as it seems to me, to maintain the 
interests and the honor of the United States under all imagin- 
able circumstances. 

Cong. Record, Vol. 23, part 5, 52 Cong. 1st sess., page 4257. 



16 

THE WAR IN EUROPE. 

{Abdallah of Cairo Speaks.) 

BY EDNA DEAN PROCTOR. 

By the Prophet! If these be Christians where shall we find the 
Heathen? 

If this is their gospel of Love where shall we look for Hate? 
With the lilies of Peace their Jesus in temple and shrine is wreathen. 

But they raven like wolves in the fold when the moon is late. 

And for ivhat? For the market; for greed of gold and dominion; 

To rule to the uttermost sea and the shores no foot has trod; 
Their impious fleets cleave the sky, but never a pinion 

Bears the beleaguered spirit to regions above the clod. 

A blast of the desert were we in our fervor, our valor, 

From Khalid to bold Alp Arslan, and Timour who shook the 
world ! 
Alike in the flush of triumph, the death angel's pallor, 

We were soldiers of God and our bamiers were only in Paradise 
furled! 

These carry their Goddess with them — the Virgin they dare bedizen 
With jewels and robe of silver or fret of gold to her feet: 

Blessed, thrice blessed be Allah ! the soul that to Him has risen 
Nor images needs, nor temples, the merciful Lord to greet! 

Pleasant the cool of the mosque, the fountain, the soaring column; 

Dear the call of the muezzin to prayer at the day's decline; 
But the wind of the waste can summon in tones more tenderly 
solemn, 
For the East and the West are Allah's — the wilderness-ways a 
shrine. 

So, if this infidel host at the Moslem gates should thunder. 
We know that beneath the tumult will be Allah's eternal calm; 

Aye, if to prove our faith the walls should be rent asunder. 
He will build them again more grandly for the glory of Islam! 

By the Prophet! If these be Christians where shall we find the 
Heathen? 

If this is their gospel of Love where shall we look for Hate? 
With the lilies of Peace their Jesus in temple and shrine is wreathen. 

But thev raven like wolves in the fold when the moon is late. 



17 

Hjirk to the roar of battle! the wail for the dead and the dying' 
Fratmg of light these Christians have shrouded the earth in 
gloom; 

Each unto God or Goddess for conquest and gain is crying 

I will repeat the Fatiha and leave them to their doonfl 

Mohammedanism is, in the main, the religion of the Old Testament, with some 
Arab features added. The Allah of the Arabs is the Jehovah of the Bible— a Being 
one and indivisible, infinite in goodness, power and glory, and not to be represented 
by picture or image. 

The Christian Trinity is abhorrent to the Moslems. Jesus is honored as a 
prophet; Mohammed is the prophet of the Arabs, but neither is held divine. Of 
the western nations they say: "You are great in material things, but for knowledge 
of God and Religion you must come to us." 

The Fatiha is the brief opening chapter of the Koran and their often-repeated 
Lord's Prayer. It was thus: "Praise be to God, the lord of all Creatures, the most 
merciful, the King of the Day of Judgment, Thee do we worship and of Thee do we 
beg assistance. Lead us in the right way, in the way of those to whom Thou has 
been gracious, not of those against whom Thou art incensed, nor of those who go 
astray. " 



